Proponents and critics alike agree that the policies spawned by the Washington Consensus have not produced the desired results. The debate now is not over whether the Washington Consensus is dead or alive, but over what will replace it. An important marker in this intellectual terrain is the World Bank's Economic Growth in the 1990s: Learning from a Decade of Reform (2005). With its emphasis on humility, policy diversity, selective and modest reforms, and experimentation, this is a rather extraordinary document demonstrating the extent to which the thinking of the development policy community has been transformed over the years. But there are other competing perspectives as well. One (trumpeted elsewhere in Washington) puts faith on extensive institutional reform, and another (exemplified by the U.N. Millennium Report) puts faith on foreign aid. Sorting intelligently among these diverse perspectives requires an explicitly diagnostic approach that recognizes that the binding constraints on growth differ from setting to setting.

Journal Article Policy Targeting with Endogenous Distortions: Theory of Optimum Subsidy Revisited Get access Dani Rodrik Dani Rodrik Harvard University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Volume 102, Issue 4, November 1987, Pages 903–911, https://doi.org/10.2307/1884288 Published: 01 November 1987

This paper analyzes the resource-allocation and welfare effects of export-performance requirements imposed on foreign investors. It argues that a satisfactory analysis must consider the presence of tariff distortions and oligopolistic behavior in host-country markets. These create a second-best environment in which an evaluation of the welfare effects of such requirements is no longer straightforward. It is concluded that export requirements can improve home welfare by reducing payments to foreign capital, reducing the output of commodities which are being overproduced, and shifting profits toward domestically owned firms.

Unlike economies as a whole, manufacturing industries exhibit strong unconditional convergence in labor productivity. The article documents this at various levels of disaggregation for a large sample covering more than 100 countries over recent decades. The result is highly robust to changes in the sample and specification. The coefficient of unconditional convergence is estimated quite precisely and is large, at between 2–3% in most specifications and 2.9% a year in the baseline specification covering 118 countries. The article also finds substantial sigma convergence at the two-digit level for a smaller sample of countries. Despite strong convergence within manufacturing, aggregate convergence fails due to the small share of manufacturing employment in low-income countries and the slow pace of industrialization. Because of data coverage, these findings should be as viewed as applying to the organized, formal parts of manufacturing.

Accepted Manuscript

The focus of policy reform in developing countries has moved from getting prices right to getting institutions right, and accordingly countries are increasingly being advised to move towards "best-practice" institutions. This paper argues that appropriate institutions for developing countries are instead "second-best" institutions --those that take into account context-specific market and government failures that cannot be removed in short order. Such institutions will often diverge greatly from best practice. The argument is illustrated using examples from four areas: contract enforcement, entrepreneurship, trade openness, and macroeconomic stability.

Few would doubt the proposition that political institutions matter for economic development. Yet we lack robust generalizations and systematic evidence on how exactly they do so. In this short paper, I draw attention to a regularity in the cross-national data that has received little attention to date: participatory political regimes are associated with significantly lower levels of aggregate economic instability. After presenting some of the evidence in the next section, I speculate that the reason has to do with the propensity of democracy to moderate social conflict and induce compromise. I discuss three distinct arguments as to why this may be the case. I. Some evidence The relationship between democracy and economic growth has been studied extensively. The data tend to show that democracy has no systematic effect on long-run growth rates. The top panel of Figure 1 shows a typical result: the partial correlation between an index of democracy during the 1970s and subsequent economic growth is virtually zero. The relationship between democracy and volatility in economic performance, on the other hand, is negative, statistically significant, and quantitatively large. This is shown in the bottom panel of Figure 1: