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Education, Decision Making, and Economic Rationality

The Review of Economics and Statistics 2019 101(3), 428-441
This paper studies the causal effect of education on decision making. In 1972, England raised its minimum school-leaving age from 15 to 16 for students born after September 1, 1957. An online survey was conducted with 2,700 individuals born in a 36-month window on either side of this date. Participants made 25 incentivized risk choices that allow us to measure multiple dimensions of decision making. Despite the policy having effects on education, educational qualifications, and income, we find no effects of the policy on decision making or decision-making quality.

Misfortune and Mistake: The Financial Conditions and Decision-Making Ability of High-Cost Loan Borrowers

Journal of Political Economy 2024 132(9), 3173-3213 open access
The appropriateness of many high-cost loan regulations depends on whether demand is driven by financial conditions ("misfortunes") or imperfect decisions ("mistakes"). Bank records from Iceland show borrowers have especially low liquidity just before getting a loan. Borrowers exhibit lower decision-making ability (DMA) in linked choice experiments: 45% of loan dollars go to the bottom 20% of the DMA distribution. Standard determinants of demand do not explain this relationship, which is also mirrored by the relationship between DMA and an unambiguous "mistake." Both "misfortune" and "mistake" thus appear to drive demand.

Poverty and Economic Decision-Making: Evidence from Changes in Financial Resources at Payday

American Economic Review 2016 106(2), 260-284 open access
We study the effect of financial resources on decision-making. Low-income U.S. households are randomly assigned to receive an online survey before or after payday. The survey collects measures of cognitive function and administers risk and intertemporal choice tasks. The study design generates variation in cash, checking and savings balances, and expenditures. Before-payday participants behave as if they are more present-biased when making intertemporal choices about monetary rewards but not when making intertemporal choices about non-monetary real-effort tasks. Nor do we find before-after differences in risk-taking, the quality of decision-making, the performance in cognitive function tasks, or in heuristic judgments.