Alan Krueger was one of the most prolific and influential economists of his generation. While his research extended into many different areas, including environmental economics,macroeconomics, and behavioral economics, he identifiedfirst and foremost as a “labor economist.”Hewas a labor economist par excellence, always pushing the field in a new (or long overlooked) direction while maintaining the highest standards for the quality and credibility of his empirical findings. The papers in this issue, written by his students and colleagues in labor economics, pay tribute to some of his major contributions to our field. Virtually every paper builds on one or more of Alan’s ideas. Alan earned his bachelor’s degree in industrial and labor relations from Cornell in 1983. His early education included classes in labor economics and statistics that informed his work throughout his career, including a deep appreciation of the value of original data. Thiswas reflected in the surveys at the heart of many of his best-known papers—including his studies of minimum wages (Katz and Krueger 1992; Card and Krueger 1994), twins (Ashenfelter and Krueger 1994), well-being (Kahneman et al. 2004), and wage posting (Hall and Krueger 2012)—and by his founding of the Survey Research Center at Princeton in 1993. Alan’s 1987 dissertation at Harvard focused on wage determination—a topic he returned to often. The first chapter, which was his job market paper and was later published in theQuarterly Journal of Economics (Krueger 1991), is remarkable for the bold simplicity of its design. Alan proposed to
Journal of Labor Economics202240(1), 133-156open access
We use public documents from the Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard University lawsuit to examine admissions preferences for recruited athletes, legacies, those on the dean’s interest list, and children of faculty and staff (ALDCs). More than 43% of white admits are ALDC; the share for African American, Asian American, and Hispanics is less than 16%. Our model of admissions shows that roughly three-quarters of white ALDC admits would have been rejected absent their ALDC status. Removing preferences for athletes and legacies would significantly alter the racial distribution of admitted students away from whites.
How widespread are social network effects? To answer this, I introduce a page-based approach for identifying individuals living in close proximity and compare how the propensity to work in the same industry varies among worker pairs residing in the same versus different areas. Across the 70 largest cities in the early twentieth-century United States, those from the same area are more likely to work in the same industry. On average, the increase in propensity is around 14%–20% of the baseline mean. These effects also tend to be stronger among single women and migrants from the same country of origin.
Journal of Labor Economics202240(2), 397-436open access
We study the effects of peer gender composition in STEM doctoral programs on persistence and degree completion. Leveraging unique new data and quasi-random variation in gender composition across cohorts within programs, we show that women entering cohorts with no female peers are 11.7pp less likely to graduate within 6 years than their male counterparts. A 1 sd increase in the percentage of female students differentially increases women's probability of on-time graduation by 4.4pp. These gender peer effects function primarily through changes in the probability of dropping out in the first year of a Ph.D. program.
We analyze the impact of Ford Motor Company’s compensation practices on the Detroit-area labor market from 1918 to 1947. Previous studies imply that Ford paid race-independent wages, but its Black workers were sorted into undesirable departments. We extend these results using propensity score reweighting of census data and Ford’s records and confirm that Ford paid equal wages. We then develop a search model with discriminatory and equal wage firms to assess the impact of Ford’s policy on the larger labor market. Calibrated simulations suggest that Ford may have reduced the wage gap in southeastern Michigan by as much as 50%.