How Welfare Policies Affect Child and Adolescent Achievement by Elizabeth Clark-Kauffman, Greg J. Duncan and Pamela Morris. Published in volume 93, issue 2, pages 299-303 of American Economic Review, May 2003

The inability of formal skills such as schooling and on-the-job training to account for most of the valiation in adult labor-market success has spurred investigations of other factors. Cognitive ability, as measured by IQ-type tests such as the Armed Forces Qualifying Test has received the bulk of this attention. The consensus from research by economists and sociologists is that cognitive ability plays a significant although far from overwhelming role as a determinant of adult success (e.g., Christopher Jencks, 1979; John Cawley et al., 1997). Cognitive skills do not appear to account for more than about one-fifth of the association between completed schooling and earnings (Samuel Bowles et al., 2000). Similar magnitudes emerge in studies examining the strength of parents' cognitive ability as a predictor of the intergenerational success of their children (Meredith Phillips et al., 1998). The search for key noncognitive factors important in predicting both intraand intergenerational success has been wide-ranging. Jencks (1979) demonstrates that, net of background, formal schooling, and cognitive skills, personal traits such as industriousness, perseverance, and leadership have noteworthy associations with subsequent earnings and occupational status. Measures of social-psychological constructs such as locus of control (Julian Rotter, 1966) and self-esteem (Morris Rosenberg, 1965) have been shown to be predictive of subsequent labor-market success in some cases (e.g., Rachel Dunifon and Duncan, 1998; Arthur Goldsmith et al., 2000). Our focus in this paper is on the role of a different kind of personal characteristic: organization and efficiency, as operationalized in our data set by the housework-hours-adjusted score from five annual interviewer assessments of the cleanliness of a respondent's dwelling at the time of the interview. We argue that keeping a and organized home reflects an overall ability and desire to maintain a sense of order in a wide range of life activities. People whose homes appear clean both value order and demonstrate the ability to impose a degree of order at home. It is likely that people who are able to maintain such homes carry over the ability and desire to be organized to other aspects of their lives, such as work and parenting. The ability to maintain a degree of organization may be a skill that would command a reward in the labor market. Additionally, children raised in more organized households may be more successful in school and work. The results presented here indicate that, net of socioeconomic-status background, cognitive ability, completed schooling, housework time, and a host of other factors, the cleanliness rating of one's home is predictive of: (i) one's own earnings 25 years later; (ii) children's subsequent completed schooling; and (iii) children's earnings measured 25 years later. These results suggest the utility of continuing the search for noncognitive factors in intraand intergenerational models of schooling and labor-market success.

Mixing across racial and ethnic lines could spur understanding or inflame tensions between groups. We find that white students at a large state university randomly assigned African American roommates in their first year were more likely to endorse affirmative action and view a diverse student body as essential for a high-quality education. They were also more likely to say they have more personal contact with, and interact more comfortably with, members of minority groups. Although sample sizes are too small to provide definitive evidence, these results suggest students become more empathetic with the social groups to which their roommates belong.

We examine long-term neighborhood effects on low-income families using data from the Moving to Opportunity (MTO) randomized housing-mobility experiment. This experiment offered to some public-housing families but not to others the chance to move to less-disadvantaged neighborhoods. We show that ten to 15 years after baseline, MTO: (i) improves adult physical and mental health; (ii) has no detectable effect on economic outcomes or youth schooling or physical health; and (iii) has mixed results by gender on other youth outcomes, with girls doing better on some measures and boys doing worse. Despite the somewhat mixed pattern of impacts on traditional behavioral outcomes, MTO moves substantially improve adult subjective well-being.