This paper investigates a sequential social learning problem in which individuals face ambiguity about others’ signal structures and have max-min expected utility preferences, thereby exhibiting ambiguity aversion. Unlike previous findings, which suggest that learning outcomes depend on the specifics of the learning environment, this study establishes information cascades as a robust outcome under ambiguity. With sufficient ambiguity, cascades arise almost surely, regardless of the statistical properties of signal structures. Moreover, standard results predicting the absence of cascades can easily break down: Even minimal ambiguity can trigger cascades when signals are bounded and lead to incorrect herding when signals are unbounded.

Under the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996, individuals convicted of drug-related felonies were permanently banned from receiving welfare and food stamps. Since then, over 30 states have opted out of the federal ban. In this paper, I estimate the impact of public assistance eligibility on recidivism by exploiting both the adoption of the federal ban and subsequent passage of state laws that lifted the ban. Using administrative prison records on five million offenders and a triple-differences research design, I find that public assistance eligibility for drug offenders reduces one-year recidivism rates by 10 percent.

Since the start of economic reforms in 1978, China has experienced the largest increase in income inequality of all countries for which comparable data are available. According to the World Bank (1997), China’s Gini coefficient increased from 28.2 in 1981 to 38.8 in 1995 based on official survey data. Another study that used internationally standard definitions for incomes estimated China’s Gini ratio at 38.2 in 1988 and 45.2 in 1995, a level that already surpassed many developing economies in Asia (Azizur Khan and Carl Riskin, 1998). Are these income inequality changes the consequence of institutional reforms that replaced egalitarian rewards with work incentives, employment contracts, and labor mobility? This paper uses household survey data collected by China’s State Statistical Bureau (SSB) to investigate the sources and causes of this rising inequality. By analyzing Gini ratios and generalized entropy measures, I decompose the overall inequality into three sectoral components: ( i ) inequality within rural areas, ( ii ) inequality within urban areas, and (iii ) sectoral disparity. The data indicate that increases in rural – urban income differentials have been the driving factor behind the rising overall inequality in China. I argue that urbanbiased policies and institutions, including labor mobility restrictions, welfare systems, and financial policies of inflation subsidies and investment credits to the urban sector, are responsible for the long-term rural–urban divide and the recent increases in disparity.

Causal estimates of the benefits of increased schooling using US state schooling laws as instruments typically rely on specifications which assume common trends across states in the factors affecting different birth cohorts. Differential changes across states during this period, such as relative school quality improvements, suggest that this assumption may fail to hold. Across a number of outcomes including wages, unemployment, and divorce, we find that statistically significant causal estimates become insignificant and, in many instances, wrong-signed when allowing year of birth effects to vary across regions.

For 20 years following 1949, average total fertility per woman in China hovered just above six children. The year 1970 marked the beginning of persistent fertility declines. By 1980, the rate had dropped to 2.75, and since 1992 it has remained under 2. While some of this transition can be accounted for by broad socioeconomic developments, the extent to which it is attributable to China's unique population policies remains controversial. This paper analyzes household data from the 1992 Household Economy and Fertility Survey (HEFS) to provide the first direct microeconomic empirical evidence on the efficacy of these policies.

Most analyses treat global warming as a single-agent problem. The present study presents the Regional Integrated model of Climate and the Economy (RICE) model. By disaggregating into countries, the model analyzes different national strategies in climate-change policy: pure market solutions, efficient cooperative outcomes, and noncooperative equilibria. This study finds that cooperative policies show much higher levels of emissions reductions than do noncooperative strategies; that there are substantial differences in the levels of controls in both the cooperative and the noncooperative policies among different countries; and that high-income countries may be the major losers from cooperation.