Over last two decades punitiveness of juvenile justice system has declined substantially relative adult courts. During that same time period juvenile violent rates have grown almost twice as quickly as adult crime rates. This paper examines degree to which those two empirical observations are related, finding that changes in relative punishments can account for 60 percent of differential growth rates in juvenile and adult violent between 1978 and 1993. Juvenile offenders appear be at least as responsive sanctions as adults. Moreover, sharp changes in criminal involvement with transition from juvenile adult court suggest that deterrence, rather than simply incapacitation important role. There does not, however, appear be a strong relationship between the punitiveness of juvenile justice system that a cohort faces and extent of involvement for that cohort later in life.

From the beginning of federal regulation of combination there has been an insistent demand on the part of the farmers for the exemption of their organizations. The political history of the past thirty years is full of party promises to the farmers, but the laws on the statute books reveal a rather niggardly performance of the promises made.

The control and operation of the railroads of the United States by the federal government for the period of the war, and possibly longer, raises many interesting questions as to the principles that will in the future be adopted in the settlement of rate controversies between different cities and districts and in the general readjustment of rate structures that have grown up under competitive railroading. The questions of social policy involved in the development of a national rate structure are of great complexity and of great delicacy from a political point of view. One may almost say that if the government retains permanent control of the railroads the way in which it handles the problem of rate readjustments will largely determine the popular attitude toward the whole experiment. Among the many rate structures that have developed in the United States under the regime of private railroading none has been so much discussed in recent years as the transcontinentalrate structure. It may prove useful at this time, therefore, to present in brief compass the essential features of this interoceanrate system as it exists today. By transcontinental rates are meant rates between the territory east of the Rocky Mountains and the territory covered by the Transcontinental Freight Bureau, which extends from the Pacific east to Noria, New Mexico, 25 miles west of El Paso; Promontory Point, Utah, 25 miles west of Ogden; and Athol, Idaho, 40 miles east of Spokane. Thus these rates apply to the haul across the Rocky Mountains and the Great Basin. This territory is sparsely settled, has little local traffic, and expensive operating conditions, owing to steep grades, costly roadbed, heavy upkeep, and high fuel cost. Rates are therefore naturally high. The New York-Chicago first-class rate is 90.6 cents per ioo pounds for a basic distance of 920 miles (actual distance via the Pennsylvania lines 9og miles); the Chicago-New Orleans rate is i io cents for a distance of 920 miles; while the

The calendar year I914, the last for which complete statistics are available, saw more than 2,500 railroad employees either killed outright or so severely injured that they died within twenty-four hours; while nearly sixty times that number were so injured as not to be able to work for at least three days out of the ten immediately following the accident. Of the accidents giving rise to these injuries, I3,000 were classed as train accidents, in most or all of which damage of some sort was done to the equipment of the road. Damaged engines were hauled into the shops to be repaired, damaged cars likewise, and the cost charged up to operating expenses as a matter of course. But what of the damaged men?

"So another tradition vanishes," exclaimed a witty Frenchwoman a few years ago o,n returning from a magnificent state festival given by M. le ministre Millerand, one-time socialist comrade. "Under the Restoration a Liberal was defined as an escaped coinvict. Thirty years ago it was agreed that every Republican wore dirty linen and was careless of his finger-nails,. Later the Socialist took the place of the Republican. Next ?"' The next has come. The syndicalist, exponent of the new revolutionary unionism, has displaced the socialist as chief bogey of the bourgeois world. And not oif the bourgeois world alone, for the new movement is causing almost as much uneasiness to the parliamientary socialist as to the philistine. France presents today the piquant spectacle of the accredited defenders of the Marxist faith acting as a moderating force, and for their pains being labeled as reactionary.2