Knowledge that Transforms

This paper describes aspects of the French Revolution from the perspective of theories about money and government budget constraints. We describe how unpleasant fiscal arithmetic gripped the Old Regime, how the Estates General responded to reorganize France's fiscal affairs, and how fiscal exigencies impelled the Revolution into a procession of monetary experiments ending in hyper-inflation.

Using an econometric model of charitable giving and a ten-year panel of tax return data, the author finds that previous studies have underestimated the effects of permanent income and overestimated those of permanent changes in tax prices. The significant statutory tax changes that occurred during the 1980s, especially in 1986, serve to identify the key model parameters. The author's results imply that people smooth their giving when transitory income changes but also time their giving to exploit transitory changes in tax prices. The results also raise questions about how effectively the tax incentives permanently influence the level of charitable giving by individuals.

Recent reforms of Chinese state-owned enterprises strengthened a nascent managerial labor market by incorporating incentives suggestive of competitive Western labor markets. Poorly performing firms were more likely to have a new manager selected by auction, to be required to post a higher security deposit, and to be subject to more frequent review of the manager's contract. Managers could, be, and were, fired for poor performance. Managerial pay was linked to the firm's sales and profits, and reform strengthened the profit link and weakened the sales link. Thus the economic reforms helped develop an improved system of managerial resource allocation responsive to market forces.

We present a theory of rational behavior in which individuals maximize a set of stable preferences over goods with unknown addictive power. The theory is based on three fundamental postulates: that consumption of the addictive good is not equally harmful to all, that individuals possess subjective beliefs concerning this harm, and that beliefs are optimally undated with information gained through consumption. Although individual actions are optimal and dynamically consistent, addicts regret their past consumption decisions and regret their initial assessment of the potential harm of the good. Addict-prone individuals who believe "it could not happen to them" are most likely to be drawn into a harmful addiction.

Many services provide outputs that depend partially on the customers as inputs; the presence of other customers often contributes to the output experienced by each purchaser. Higher education is the premier example; others are legion. We provide a simple model that addresses the questions of competitive pricing and allocative efficiency for these types of services. Prices that charge customers for what they get on net (output minus input) from the firm both are competitive and support efficient allocations; these prices internalize the apparent external effects of customers on each other. Few examples of such prices exist in the real world.

For a wide class of infinitely lived agent models, Chamley has shown that the optimal capital income tax rate is zero in the long run. Lucas has argued that for the U.S. economy, there is a significant welfare gain from switching to this policy. This paper shows that for the Bewley class of models with incomplete insurance markets and borrowing constraints, the optimal tax rate on capital income is positive, even in the long run. Therefore, cutting the capital income tax to zero may well lead to welfare losses.

In 23 American states, citizens can initiate and approve laws by popular vote; in the other 27 states, laws can be proposed only by elected representatives. This paper compares the fiscal behavior of state and local governments over the last 30 years under these two institutional arrangements. The main finding is that spending is significantly lower, on the order of 4 percent, in states with voter initiatives than in pure representative states. It is also found that local spending is higher and state spending is lower in initiative states. On the revenue side, initiative states rely less on broad-based taxes and more on charges tied to services. Taken together, the evidence indicates that the initiative leads to a reduction in the overall size of the government sector and suggests that it causes a decline in the level of redistributional activity.

It is well known that under the assumptions of constant returns to scale, perfect competition, and the absence of factor hoarding, primal and dual productivity measures should be highly correlated. The apparent lack of correlation is usually attributed to fixed factors of production. In this paper I propose an alternative explanation by relaxing the assumption of perfect competition. By controlling for the presence of a markup component, I demonstrate that both productivity measures are in fact highly correlated for U.S. manufacturing. The analysis also provides an alternative method of estimating a markup of prices over marginal cost that avoids certain difficulties inherent in some existing methods of estimation.

This goal of this paper is to extend existing search-theoretic models of fiat money, which until now have assumed that the price level is exogenous, by explicitly incorporating bilateral bargaining. This allows the determination of the price level endogenously and leads to additional insights concerning the role of money. For example, the authors find that monetary equilibria are generally inefficient in the sense that output and prices differ from the solution to a social planner's problem, although the difference can become small as the discount rate or search friction vanishes. The authors also find that there exist nonstationary inflationary equilibria.

An important question in political economy concerns the form of transfers to special interests. The Chicago view is that political competition leads politicians to make such transfers efficiently. The Virginia position is that lack of information on the part of voters leads politicians to favor inefficient "sneaky" methods of redistribution. This paper analyzes the form of transfers in a model of political competition in which politicians have incentives to make transfers to special interests. It shows that when voters have imperfect information about both the effects of policy and the predispositions of politicians, inefficient methods of redistribution may be employed.