The standard economic approach to designing institutions for collective decision making recognizes individuals' strategically rational motivations for misrepresentation and asks how best, given an objective function, to design a set of incentives and constraints to internalize or negate such motivations. Securities Against Misrule offers, in the author's phrase, an “essay in persuasion” to the effect that such an approach is fundamentally misguided. Instead, Elster argues for a behavioral approach centered on designing institutions for good decision making, rather than good outcomes, by individuals whose actions are chronically subject to emotional, self-interested, and prejudicial distortions. (JEL D02, D71, D72, D82)

Auditing, Auditor change, Auditor change disclosure, Delayed hiring

IT IS OFrEN THE CASE that an individual's decision is at least partly based on information received from another. And when the agents' payoffs depend on both the former's decision and on the latter's information, there is an incentive for the individual to attempt to bias the decision maker's decision in his or her favor by strategically manipulating the information transmitted. In a seminal paper, Crawford and Sobel (1982) (hereafter, C/S) study such strategic information transmission in the context of an abstract sender/receiver game. Variants of the Crawford and Sobel model have been applied widely, and as the application varies so often does the interpretation of type. In some cases, type refers to a preference parameter given by Nature-as, for example, in bargaining theory (e.g., Farrell and Gibbons (1989), Matthews (1989)), whereas in other settings-for instance, legislative decision making or expert testimony -type refers to more or less technical information concerning how decisions map into final consequences and, as such, is acquired information (e.g., Gilligan and Krehbiel (1987), Milgrom and Roberts (1986)). When the information has to be acquired, it is natural to suppose the acquisition is costly; for otherwise, there is no reason why such information is asymmetrically distributed. So long as the receiver can observe surely-or, at least, accurately infer-whether the sender is informed, and so long as messages are cheap-talk, there is no issue here for strategic information transmission (save whether to become at all). However, there are many circumstances when it is inappropri- ate to assume the receiver has such knowledge. One possibility is that a receiver may know that a sender has some relevant informa- tion, but be uncertain of the quality of this information. A second, perhaps more important, possibility is that a receiver is unable to tell whether a (potential) sender is uninformed. Inter alia, this problem constitutes the rationale for of the law being inadmissible as a legal defense (were it admissible, then informed miscreants would mimic uninformed transgressors); leads voters to be skeptical of politicians claiming ignorance of illegal arms deals; and makes the SEC sensitive to problems in distinguishing insider trading from legitimate good judgement. So there is an intrinsic asymmetry in that it is generally possible for, say, senders to verify possession of at least some information, but it is typically prohibitively difficult to verify any lack of knowledge

The SEC currently requires that firms disclose recent disagreements with their auditors over accounting or auditing matters when a change in auditor is reported. The effectiveness and usefulness of requirements to disclose disagreements have been questioned, and previous empirical research on the issue has been inconclusive. This study investigates the information content of disclosure of the auditor-firm disagreements. The analysis indicates a significant negative market reaction in the week that the Form 8-K is filed with the SEC. This finding is consistent with the position that the disclosure provides information useful to investors.

In 1976, the U. S. Senate Subcommittee on Reports, Accounting, and Management (Metcalf Committee) provided data indicating that the eight largest auditing firms in the country (the Eight) are overwhelmingly the major suppliers of audit services to the largest corporations in the United States. The Subcommittee concluded from these data that monopolistic practices by the Big Eight have led to a two-tier structure in the audit industry-one tier consisting of the eight largest auditors and the second tier consisting of all other auditors, with the Big Eight dominating the industry. In the light of these findings, the committee suggested that more activist regulation of the audit industry was needed by the Securities and Exchange Commission. Dopuch and Simunic [1980] examined a wide variety of evidence that might tend to support or refute allegations of a lack of competition in the auditing profession. They (D-S) concluded that the industry was competitive, and in a subsequent paper [1982] they argued that many of the apparent monopolistic characteristics of the industry could be explained by a product-differentiation hypothesis. More specifically, they hypothesized that different auditing firms provide auditing services which are perceived by investors to be different in quality, and in particular, that the Big Eight auditors are perceived as being more credible than non-Big Eight auditors. If this is the case, the Big Eight firms would be

Although majoritarian decision rules are the norm in legislatures, relatively few democracies use simple majority rule at the electoral stage, adopting instead some form of multiparty proportional representation. Moreover, aggregate data suggest that average income tax rates are higher, and distributions of posttax income flatter, in countries with proportional representation than in those with majority rule. While there are other differences between these countries, this paper explores how variations in the political system per se influence equilibrium redistributive tax rates and income distributions. A three‐party proportional representation model is developed in which taxes are determined through legislative bargaining among successful electoral parties, and the economic decision for individuals is occupational choice. Political‐economic equilibria for this model and for a two‐party, winner‐take‐all, majoritarian system are derived and compared.

Researchers often restrict their sample selection to either December or non-December Compustat companies. However, no one has rigorously investigated the implications of this restriction. This paper compares financial characteristics of December and non-December year-end companies. December year-end firms are larger and have smaller betas as compared to companies with non-December year-ends. There are some strong industry concentrations in December year-ends, most notably in the regulated or recently deregulated industries. Retail sales firms have primarily non-December year-ends. A comparison of leverage ratios does not reveal a stable systematic difference between December and non-December year-end companies.

[We provide evidence that creditors play an active role in the governance of corporations well outside of payment default states. By examining the Securities and Exchange Commission's filings of all U. S. nonfinancial firms from 1996 through 2008, we document that, in any given year, between 10% and 20% of firms report being in violation of a financial covenant in a credit agreement. We show that violations are followed immediately by a decline in acquisitions and capital expenditures, a sharp reduction in leverage and shareholder payouts, and an increase in CEO turnover. The changes in the investment and financing behavior of violating firms coincide with amended credit agreements that contain stronger restrictions on firm decision-making; changes in the management of violating firms suggest that creditors also exert informal influence on corporate governance. Finally, we show that firm operating and stock price performance improve post-violation. We conclude that actions taken by creditors increase the value of the average violating firm.]

This study considers the role of accounting in moments of resistance in day-to-day institutional contexts. It does so by drawing on the perspectives of Mikhail Bakhtin (1981 , 1984 , 1986) – a Russian philosopher who sought to understand the notion of dialogue in everyday communicative practices. We study these moments of resistance within the context of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) – organizations affected by authoritative discourses of accountability that seek representative, tangible and verifiable understandings of impact and performance. Within our empirical study, we show how accounting reports related to performance and impact gradually moved along a continuum from being received in authoritative mode to internally persuasive mode and how, as a result, resistance to an authoritative discourse of accountability was created and maintained. We found that this was enabled through the reception and promotion of accounting’s subjunctive possibilities.

Introduction, 614. — I. Equilibrium growth in an open economy, 615; — aggregate relationships, 615; — equilibrium growth conditions, 619. — II. International economic dependence, 621; — relation of domestic to foreign growth rate, 621; — role of net balance of international indebtedness, 625. — III. Monetary-fiscal policy and growth, 627; — role of monetary-fiscal instruments, 627; — alternative combinations and limits, 629. — IV. Conclusions, 632.