Introduction, 393. — I. Rae's theory, 395. — II. Application of Rae's theory, 402. — III. Conclusion, 405. <qd> “He formulated the economic theory of new countries.…” —R. Warren James1 </qd>

I. Economic movements and population movements: personal capital, 572; emigration and migration, 576; non-economic factors, 577; the time factor, 578; primitive cultures and the ancient world, 579. — II. Wealth per capita and population: time and space, 582; secular increase, 583; class rates of mortality and natality, 583; social and political institutions, 583. — III. Determinants of population growth: the genesic forces, 585; the non-genesic forces, 587; residues, 592. — IV. Malthus' theories, 593. — V. Demographic trends: long-run influences, 598; the future, 600.

VI. Opinion, law, and population movements, 107. — VII. Optima: indices, 111; ophelimity and utility, 112; group differences, 113; individual vs. collective point of view, 114; population growth, 115. — VIII. Heterogeneity and selection: income distribution, 116; natality and mortality, 119; eugenic selection, 120; residues, 122; class circulation, 125. — IX. Conclusion: points emphasized or passed over, 129.

Introduction, 460. — Birth registration introduced after 1850 but generally unsuccessful in the United States, 460. — Census and registration returns in New York, 465. — Birth registration in Indiana, 470. — Census and birth registration returns in Michigan, 472. — Conclusions, 482.

Introduction, 2. — Previous discussions, 2. — Fertility rates, 7. — Lack of adequate data makes it impossible to reach precise conclusions of New England dying out, 9. — But such data as are available support the contention that the natives of New England are not maintaining their numbers, 14. — Conclusions, 18.

I shall examine Adam Smith's treatment of human capital under five heads: the optimizing system of natural liberty; the nature of human capital; its sources; its unnecessary costliness; and obstacles to its optimum use. His recourse to cost-utility criteria in assessing educational practice (134) will be touched upon but not his somewhat analytical history of educational practice over the centuries.1 Smith (89, 164) was aware of the past improvement in average income (89), of the elasticity of man's wants (164), and of the impact of the gradual improvement of arts, manufactures, and commerce (755). He did not, however, anticipate that income increase might transform educational personnel and facilities into suppliers of consumer-oriented rather than essentially producer-oriented services (164), probably because he was concentrating on then current problems.