In the United States in the late 19th and early 20th century, large cities had extremely high death rates from infectious disease. Within major cities such as New York City and Philadelphia, there was significant variation at any point in time in the mortality rate across neighborhoods. Between 1900 and 1930 neighborhood mortality convergence took place in New York City and Philadelphia. We document these trends and discuss their consequences for neighborhood quality of life dynamics and the economic incidence of who gains from effective public health interventions.

We find that households living in California homes built in the 1960s and 1970s had high electricity consumption in 2000 relative to houses of more recent vintages because the price of electricity at the time of home construction was low. Homes built in the early 1990s had lower electricity consumption than homes of earlier vintages because the price of electricity was higher. The elasticity of the price of electricity at the time of construction was -0.22. As homes built between 1960 and 1989 become a smaller share of the housing stock, average household electricity purchases will fall.

Twenty-seven percent of the Union Army prisoners captured July 1863 or later died in captivity. At Andersonville, the death rate may have been as high as 40 percent. How did men survive such horrific conditions? Using two independent datasets, we find that friends had a statistically significant positive effect on survival probabilities and that the closer the ties between friends as measured by such identifiers as ethnicity, kinship, and the same hometown, the bigger was the impact of friends on survival probabilities.

Nonmarket goods such as unpaid household labor, leisure, health and longevity, and the environment are important components of the standard of living. They represent a large fraction of all activities. Prime-aged men and women spend 17 percent of their day in leisure activities, and 5 and 13 percent of their time, respectively, in unpaid housework compared to 23 and 13 percent of their time, respectively, in paid work. The quantity of nonmarket goods is rising over time. In the United States, life expectancy at birth is now 77 years, having risen by 29 years since 1900. In Los Angeles County between 1980 and 1998, average annual daily exceedences of the national smog standard declined by 60 days from 71 to 11. Falling big-city murder rates merit national news headlines. Studies of living standards have focused on the tremendous change in the quantity of nonmarket goods but have assumed that the value of nonmarket goods, except for unpaid labor, has remained constant. This assumption underlies most health studies (e.g., David Cutler and Elizabeth Richardson, 1997; Kevin M. Murphy and Robert H. Topel, 2003; William T. Nordhaus, 2003). Nordhaus (2003) valued declines in mortality since 1900 using a constant value of life. Even the Boskin CPI Commission (Michael J. Boskin et al., 1998) discussed trends in the quantity of nonmarket goods (i.e., pollution and crime progress) without mentioning incorporating such goods’ implicit prices into a broader CPI measure. There is no reason to think that implicit prices or the willingness to pay for nonmarket goods has remained constant. Rising real and shadow wages have made both leisure and unpaid household labor more expensive. Rising incomes have also made such normal goods as safety, health, a temperate climate, and the environment more valuable. We document the price dynamics of nonmarket goods by estimating repeat cross-sectional hedonic regressions. We focus on two important and measurable nonmarket goods: job fatality risk and climate. In both cases we find that both price and quantity have been rising. This evidence is consistent with rising valuation. We use our estimates of job-risk compensating differentials to construct new evidence on long-run trends in value of life. Accounting for price changes affects how we view the retrospective and prospective benefits of medical innovations. A rising value of life implies that marginal improvements in safety and in longevity are becoming more valuable. We report evidence that the price of living in a temperate winter and summer climate has significantly increased over time.