The paper investigates, both theoretically and empirically, the private demand for STD testing and for protection against infection with emphasis on testing for the AIDS virus (HIV) and on the effects of public subsidies for such testing on the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases. We discuss the theoretical conditions under which subsidizing testing either increases or decreases disease incidence and provide evidence on the empirical significance of those conditions.

Just like economists, voters have conflicting views about redistributive taxation because they estimate its incentive costs differently. We model rational agents as trying to learn from their dynastic income mobility experience the relative importance of effort and predetermined factors in the generation of income inequality and therefore the magnitude of these incentive costs. In the long run, “left-wing dynasties” believing less in individual effort and voting for more redistribution coexist with “right-wing dynasties.” This allows us to explain why individual mobility experience and not only current income matters for political attiitudes and how persistent differences in perceptions about social mobility can generate persistent differences in redistribution across countries.

This paper analyzes the behavior of U. S. governors from 1950 to 1986 to investigate a reputation-building model of political behavior. We argue that differences in the behavior of governors who face a binding term limit and those who are able to run again provides a source of variation in discount rates that can be used to test a political agency model. We find evidence that taxes, spending, and other policy instruments respond to a binding term limit if a Democrat is in office. The result is a fiscal cycle in term-limit states, which lowers state income when the term limit binds.