Development economics has been the beneÞciary of a rich tradition of Þeld research. Within this broad tradition there is a huge variety of methods, from short qualitative studies in which the primary interaction between the researcher and the participants is relatively unstructured conversation to large-scale surveys designed by and perhaps loosely supervised by economists. In this note, however, I focus on one point in this broad space of research methodologies iterative Þeld research in which the collection of data through surveys is combined with detailed observation and conversation to elicit knowledge about institutions. A highly artiÞcial, but I hope useful typology is provided in Figure 1. Typically, empirical work in economics relies on existing data. However, it is becoming more common in development economics to complement existing data with relatively short, often less structured visits to the Þeld site in order to clarify aspects of the data, to better deÞne the economic environment, or to collect limited amounts of complementary data. For example, ICRISAT hosted and provided institutional support for a series of visiting scholars during the collection of the Village Level Surveys. This proved to be a relatively inexpensive mechanism that generated an important sequence of insights regarding economic institutions India (Rosenzweig (1998 EJ), Pender (1996) are examples of papers emerging from this

Virtually all models of the household assume that the allocation of resources is Pareto efficient. Within many African households, agricultural production occurs on many plots controlled by different members of the household. Pareto efficiency implies that factors should be allocated efficiently across these plots. The author finds, in contrast, that plots controlled by women are farmed much less intensively than similar plots within the household controlled by men. The estimates imply that about 6 percent of output is lost because of inefficient factor allocation within the household. The paper suggests a new approach to modeling intrahousehold allocation consistent with the empirical results. Copyright 1996 by University of Chicago Press.

We examine empirically the generalizability of internally valid micro-estimates of causal effects in a fixed population over time when that population is subject to aggregate shocks. Using panel data, we show that the returns to investments in agriculture in India and Ghana, small and medium non-farm enterprises in Sri Lanka, and schooling in Indonesia fluctuate significantly across time periods. We show how the returns to these investments interact with specific, measurable, and economically relevant aggregate shocks, focusing on rainfall and price fluctuations. We also obtain lower-bound estimates of confidence intervals of the returns based on estimates of the parameters of the distributions of rainfall shocks in our two agricultural samples. We find that even these lower-bound confidence intervals are substantially wider than those based solely on sampling error that are commonly provided in studies, most of which are based on single-year samples. We also find that cross-sectional variation in rainfall cannot be confidently used to replicate within-population rainfall variability. Based on our findings, we discuss methods for incorporating information on external shocks into evaluations of the returns to policy.

Insecure property rights over land have multiple ramifications for agriculture and the organization of rural economic activity (Besley and Ghatak 2009). The risk that land will be expropriated deters investment. Insecure property rights reduce the ability of borrowers to pledge land as collateral and thus tighten credit constraints. Ill-defined property right over land can inhibit land transactions – rentals or sales – and potential gains from trade are lost. Scarce resources, like labor, may be devoted to protecting one’s insecure rights over plots (Field 2007). In Ghana, land rights are typically gained by virtue of membership in a corporate group (e.g., extended family), but a robust market is emerging for land purchases and rentals, particularly in urban and periurban areas. Informal land markets in Ghana are beset with a number of problems including land conflicts, protracted litigation and adjudication failures, documentation bottlenecks and uncertainty. Land legislation in Ghana is perceived as incoherent, conflicting and often outdated. An unwieldy public land sector dominates the documentation of land rights, revenue collection and distribution. Land conflicts are becoming more frequent, judicial processes are overburdened, authority is overcentralized and corrupt. Conflict over multiple claims to particular plots occasionally becomes violent. Goldstein and Udry (2008) document the large investment disincentive effects of insecure tenure in agriculture in Ghana. Almost 80% of Ghana’s land is held by customary landowners, mainly families, clans and traditional authorities (Kasanga and Kotey, 2001). These owners often do not record transactions; indeed, many are clothed in secrecy. As land transactions gradually move away from their familial/corporate base to short term rental for commercial purposes, multiple simultaneous transactions on the same plot have be-

We examine the impact of ambiguous and contested land rights on investment and productivity in agricultural in Akwapim, Ghana. We show that individuals who hold powerful positions in a local political hierarchy have more secure tenure rights, and that as a consequence they invest more in land fertility and have substantially higher output. The intensity of investments on different plots cultivated by a given individual correspond to that individual’s security of tenure over those specific plots, and in turn to the individual`s position in the political hierarchy relevant to those specific plots. We interpret these results in the context of a simple model of the political allocation of land rights in local matrilineages.

We look at the effects of rainfall forecasts and realized rainfall on equilibrium agricultural wages over the course of the agricultural production cycle. We show theoretically that a forecast of good weather can lower wages in the planting stage, by lowering ex ante out-migration, and can exacerbate the negative impact of adverse weather on harvest-stage wages. Using Indian household panel data describing early-season migration and district-level planting- and harvest-stage wages over the period 2005-2010, we find results consistent with the model, indicating that rainfall forecasts improve labor allocations on average but exacerbate wage volatility because they are imperfect.

This paper investigates the role of social learning in the diffusion of a new agricultural technology in Ghana. We use unique data on farmers' communication patterns to define each individual's information neighborhood. Conditional on many potentially confounding variables, we find evidence that farmers adjust their inputs to align with those of their information neighbors who were surprisingly successful in previous periods. The relationship of these input adjustments to experience further indicates the presence of social learning. In addition, applying the same method to input choices for another crop, of known technology, correctly indicates an absence of social learning effects. (JEL D83, O13, O33, Q16)

We conducted an experiment providing fertilizer grants to female rice farmers in Mali. We found that women who received fertilizer used both more fertilizer and more complementary inputs such as herbicides and hired labor. This shows that farmers respond to an increase in one input by re-optimizing other inputs. Second, while the increase in inputs led to a considerable increase in output, we found no evidence that profits increased. Our results suggest that fertilizer's impact on profits is small compared to other sources of variation. This may make it difficult for farmers to learn about the returns to fertilizer.